Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador (PCMLE)

8th Congress of the PCMLE

IV. Our responsibilities: new challenges and tasks.

The new social and political situation

The understanding by the working masses and youth, the indigenous peoples and nationalities, significant sectors of the middle strata and the intelligentsia about the true nature of the “citizens’ revolution” is asserting itself and growing to some extent, particularly due to the results of the elections of the sectional governments in February 2014.

A new political situation exists, a different correlation of forces is developing at the level of the various factions of the ruling classes, especially new circumstances are being created and developed that can enable us to reconstruct the social fabric, to affirm and strengthen the trade union and community organizations of the workers and peasants, of the teachers and students, of small traders, of the poor of the country; conditions that can help us to continually strengthen the popular opposition.

A series of policies show conclusively the capitalist and pro-imperialist nature of the Correa government and its character as an enemy of the working classes, the youth, the indigenous peoples: its demagogic and welfare policies, its lies and demagogy, its authoritarian and arrogant conduct, the anti-workers Decrees 813 and 016, the Integral Penal Code, the criminalization of the social struggle, the persecution, prosecution and conviction of the popular and left-wing leaders, the elitization of the university and the refusal to admit hundreds of thousands of young people, the government’s economic management in favor of big business owners and bankers, the modernization of the road infrastructure and of civil construction, the promotion of extraction of raw materials, the concessions given to oil monopolies, the exploitation of the Yasuni National Park, the signing of the Free Trade Agreement with the European Union, the foreign policy of bowing to international capital, to the government of the U.S., of the imperialist countries of the European Union, China, Russia and South Korea. They unmask its disguise as a “government of the Left,” as a “citizens’ revolution” and building the “21st century socialism.” This is only a maneuver to deceive the people and the youth. These policies confirm our Party’s assessment of the government as a representative of the interests of big Ecuadorean capitalists, of international capital, and as an anti-popular, anti-democratic and anti-national government.

We, the proletarian revolutionaries, must keep in mind that the masses still do not have a clear understanding of these conditions, that in order for the masses to understand this new situation, the Party must undertake the work of clarification, of revolutionary propaganda and discussion; that the political understanding and consciousness of the masses will be essentially the result of their own experience. Anyway, there are better conditions to advance with firm steps in the process of empowering us for the role of political vanguard.

The correlation of forces

The Correa government still has an important social base, mostly from the impoverished sectors of society; it has a certain capacity to recuperate from the blow of the February election results. It faces the pressure of imperialism and of the whole class of capitalists, which are seeking to deepen capitalist modernization, to put the State totally at their service, and to have a government that mostly represses the popular movement.

“Correism” continues to be immersed in its internal contradictions, in the ideological and political dispersion of the various groups that are fighting to seize for themselves the perks of administration, with the possibility of participating in the negotiations for public procurements and contracts, in the disputes over applicants, for jobs and public positions.

It must put up with a bourgeois opposition that was strengthened by the February election results and that is preparing to fight for the succession at the next general elections in 2017. This policy of the bourgeois anti-Correa groups may join together to present a single alternative in the elections, but it is more likely that they will continue to participate in a divided manner. The actions of the bourgeois opposition paint Correa as a leftist, a follower of Venezuela and a communist, and they are trying to climb directly into political power.

On the other hand, the popular opposition is fighting for the interests of the workers and peoples, of the youth and their aspirations.

The popular opposition

The struggle of the workers and peoples to defend their gains and rights, violated and stripped by Correism, to meet their needs, to achieve their aspirations involves the working class, the self-employed, peasants, teachers and students, the indigenous peoples and nationalities, the communities opposed to large- scale mining. They are confronting the employers and large multinational companies, they are opposed to the Correa government, its laws and decrees, the criminalization of social struggles, the violation of human rights, the persecution of the popular fighters. All these actions are part of the social struggle.

Under the conditions prevailing in the country, the various manifestations of the social struggle, even the smallest and most isolated ones, have an implicit political connotation and in a good part of the cases, this is expressed in the will of the actors. They are held back and repressed by bourgeois legality, which has become more reactionary and anti-popular, by the police and armed forces at the order of the bosses and the government. A good part of the social organizations are becoming conscious of this situation and are developing a series of short and medium term actions of coordination, unity of action and programmatic proposals.

The unity, the elaboration of a common platform, as well as important struggles that have been developing the toiling masses, the indigenous movement and the youth, who are being led by the working class and involve the great majority of leftist political organizations and parties, express the decision of those below to fight consistently in the streets against Correism in order to defeat its policies. his has to be strongly supported by the proletarian revolutionaries.

The leftist political organizations and parties that are taking up the political responsibility to fight together against authoritarianism and demagogy, have to carry on their efforts to consolidate the unity, to develop it to new levels, to understand in theory and in practice the capitalist nature of Correism.

The organizations of the indigenous peoples and nationalities, mainly the CONAIE [Confederation of Indigenous Nationalities of Ecuador] and ECUARUNARI [Kichwa Confederation of Ecuador] to defend their national rights, Good Living, the building of the Plurinational and Intercultural State, form part of the social contingent that is confronting the anti-people, anti-democratic, racist policies of the regime.

The economic struggle is naturally linked to the political struggle. It develops under concrete situations; in the current conditions in which the government is adopting openly anti-people and repressive positions, this economic struggle is integrated with the people’s opposition and the decision to organize and fight against deception and repression. The social and political struggles flow together in the popular opposition.

The anti-imperialist struggle

The country’s dependence on imperialism, mainly U.S. imperialism, and at present the competition of China is a concrete reality that is expressed in all spheres of the economy, in the cultural sphere, in politics. This affects the country, the nation and the peoples and nationalities of Ecuador, the working classes and the youth.

The revolutionary policy must take into consideration these conditions to outline and systematize orientations, to plan tasks, to position the available forces and execute the directives.

The revolutionaries, the organized popular movement, the trade unions and the youth organizations have the permanent responsibility to denounce and expose the predatory nature of the large multinational companies, the economic, political and cultural intervention by the imperialist countries, mainly the U.S. and China, the plundering of the natural resources, the open pit mining at the expense of the economy of the country, the destruction of nature, the poisoning of the waters, the looting of oil, the pollution of the Amazon region, the exploitation of the Yasuni ITT [Ishpingo-Tambococha-Tiputini], the unequal international trade, the Free Trade Agreement with the European Union and the cultural and political interference.

We must go from denouncing and exposing the situation to organizing the anti-imperialist struggles. We must keep in mind that behind the bosses and the Correa government lie the tentacles of the foreign powers. We must orient all the actions of the masses by targeting those responsible for the situation and point out the need to put an end to the dependence with the victory of the social revolution.

The anti-imperialist policy is a permanent issue. One should not miss any opportunity to expose the dependence, to politically educate the masses and youth regarding the reactionary nature of the imperialist domination and the treasonable attitude of the ruling classes and of Correism, to clearly take up before the masses the leading role of the Party.

Furthermore, the Party must pay attention to the particular moments in which it is possible to put forward specifically anti-imperialist days of struggle for the social organizations.

The popular opposition has a nature and course independent of any sector of the bourgeoisie

We communists fully assume the responsibility to place ourselves at the head of the popular opposition, to work to unite all social and political forces interested in denouncing Correism and in struggling against demagogy and tyranny.

Correa, as we have been pointing out, is a representative of the pro-imperialist bourgeoisie, of the international monopolies, of the U.S. and Chinese plans; he is a spokesperson for a sector of the ruling classes.

The understanding of the right-wing nature of Correism is expanding to new social sectors. The recent election results show that the Ecuadorians who voted in the majority did so in opposition to Correa, to his program and his people; obviously a good sector of the electorate chose bourgeois alternatives from the old bourgeois parties, from their renewed faces and proposals.

This means that the revolutionary organization should demarcate its positions from those of the bourgeois opposition. Our policies are clearly opposed to the anti-worker, anti- popular and sellout policies of Correa; the bourgeois opposition cunningly describes Correa as a leftist who is trying to emulate Chavez. We demand the rights of the working masses and the youth; the right-wing outside the government seeks to reclaim the reins of political power. We fight for freedom and democracy, for the freedom of political prisoners, to put an end to the persecution, prosecution and conviction of the popular fighters, for the freedom of organization and the right to strike, for the freedom and right of those at the bottom to speak publicly in the public press, for the defense of sovereignty, in opposition to the foreign debt, against large-scale mining, against the extraction of raw materials, for the nationalization of the oil, the building of the Plurinational State and fraternal, supportive and revolutionary multiculturalism, to lead the popular struggles toward the strategic objective of the seizure of power, for politically educating the masses to assume the leading role in the struggle for the revolution and socialism; the bourgeois factions outside the government are seeking to preserve their economic interests, to be the major beneficiaries and allies of imperialism, to maintain and strengthen capitalism and dependence.

In the various forms of political struggle, on certain occasions, the proposals and demands of the popular opposition coincide with some of those of the bourgeois opposition and, on other occasions, the parties and spokespersons of the bourgeoisie concur with the objectives of the popular opposition. These circumstances have occurred and may occur in the future. For example, in the February elections we denounced the demagogy and authoritarianism of Correa and bourgeois opposition candidates did so also. Our intentions corresponded to the people’s interests; theirs were on behalf of their own interests and privileges. The slogans seemed to sound the same but they had opposite objectives. In exceptional cases we can arrive at specific agreements based on partial benefit of the people’s interests but this situation does not mean that we are tailing behind the bourgeois opposition.

Correa’s thesis is false. He says that the left and particularly the MPD [Democratic Popular Movement], in supporting the struggle of the workers, teachers and youth, is playing the game of the right-wing, that the indigenous movement with its action favors the return to the past. This is humbug to disarm the masses ideologically, to make them believe that the fight against Correa favors Nebot or other bourgeois bosses; that the defeat of Correism will open the door to neoliberalism and the return to the times of the old bourgeois parties.

These lies fall under their own weight. Correa does not represent the people; he is one more of the capitalist governments, thus he is the enemy of the people and the nation, as are the other representatives of the bourgeoisie. The course of history does not return to the past, although historical setbacks may occur. In any case it never goes back to the same place; historic events develop in a spiral. The gains of the masses, the right to organize and strike, the stability and increase in wages, education, health and social security can be reduced but not eliminated, not even by fascist governments. The succession to Correa, even by another bourgeois government, with a reactionary program, would anyway mean a new situation for the struggle of the masses. They would have gotten rid of one tyrannical government and if the mass movement is strengthened in the fight against him, if the left regains its positions, if the Party advances, as it will, new conditions will emerge, new stages in the strengthening of the organization and consciousness of the toiling masses.

Let us advance in the building and strengthening of unity

The strategy and tactics of the Ecuadorian revolution establish the building of the revolutionary united front as a condition for its development and, at a particular moment, for victory. This essentially means the convergence and struggle of the decisive sectors of the working classes, of the workers and peasants, the youth, indigenous peoples and nationalities.

We began the building of the revolutionary united front as soon as we formed ourselves as a party, in August of 1964. In this long journey we have had positive and negative experiences that have provided us with important achievements.

In the present situation, we are facing Correism as a form of the ruling classes in the government. Knowing the false image that it portrays, the demagogy and the social welfare policy and the social sectors that it has managed to seduce, given its anti-union and anti- popular policies, its authoritarian measures, the criminalization of the social struggle and the persecution of popular leaders, the policy of unity that the Party proposes is of greater importance and requires greater attention.

An important issue to note is that in our opposition to Correism we are in agreement with most of the organized popular movement, the union federations, the Popular Front, the teachers, students, small traders, an important sector of the peasantry, the indigenous movement and the majority of the left-wing political organizations and parties. From this point of view this is an extraordinary moment to work to strengthen the struggle. We must take into account that the overall objectives that unite these sectors are their opposition to Correa and his authoritarian and corrupt government.

In this scenario we must emphasize, in the first place, the unification and strengthening of our own forces, of the social organizations engaged in revolutionary politics, and the popular fighters who stand out in these struggles.

The Popular Front must fully assume its tenets and principles; it must work to unify, in general, the economic and political orientations through which it mobilizes its forces, to coordinate the life and activity of the member organizations. It must open up its policies and relations with the unions, especially those active in the FUT [United Workers Front]. It should strengthen its ties with the leadership of the indigenous movement, with the CONAIE and ECUARRUNARI. All the social and political forces with which we have commitments must strengthen their unity and build bridges with other social organizations.

Our country has a strong tradition of coordination and struggle by the social organizations and movements; they have carried out great struggles of a social and political nature; they have formed a bulwark of the workers and peoples. Building on these achievements, we should strive to unite, discuss and agree on defending the general interests of the people and the country.

The people are overcoming their prejudices towards the leftist parties and organizations, they are leaving behind the ideas that “our struggle is social, not political,” that “we must not allow politics to interfere,” “that political banners must not be raised,” etc. This is a good starting point to look for the joining together of the social organizations of the city and countryside together with the left, which has been historically committed to their struggle.

In this process, actions must be proposed at the local, provincial and national level.

In the process of building unity, we do not nor will we play the role of organizers; this is not our role. We will work to act together on the basis of agreements; we do not accept impositions nor do we intend to exercise them on anyone. We propose to be treated as equals, with the same responsibilities and rights.

In the political sphere, in 2011 we began to build the Plurinational Unity of the Left [UPI]; we took part in the referendum with significant success; in 2013 we put the focus on unity in the general election, to oppose Correa from the left, to participate in the social struggle, in the March for Water. The results were not what we expected; however, all the participants understood the importance of unity. In the 2014 elections we could not fully rebuild the UPI; despite that the results were better, they foretell a more certain future for the process of political unity of the workers and peoples.

We now assert the necessity and urgency of this unity, of its protagonists and contents although its form may vary; we must work with all the interested left-wing political organizations and parties. We must work to integrate the social movements; we must talk to the broad unorganized social sectors, with those who are disgruntled and unhappy with Correism. Obviously, a unity of this kind is in our interest and that of other forces, but it can only be realized with the will and determination of its members. One single force cannot forge unity, but unfortunately, it could have the power to obstruct it.

Unity cannot be established by decree, it is a project to be built day by day: from the grassroots, the unions, associations, neighborhoods and the schools. It is formed at the territorial level, in the parishes, the municipalities and the provinces. It must be concretized at the national level and also on the international scale.

The unity that we propose will be a link in the revolutionary united front that aims at seizing power and building socialism.

The mass struggle, its organization and consciousness are part of the process of the accumulation of forces

The process of accumulation of revolutionary forces takes into account the social and political actors within the popular opposition to the Correa regime; it considers them as part of its forces:

  1. Certainly the popular opposition includes those who are dissatisfied with their material situation, those who make the decision to fight for their immediate interests, those who take up their role in the fight against the despotism of the regime; a good part of these sectors limit their objectives to the satisfaction of their needs and desires. This situation does not make them into actors conscious of the struggle for social change; however, it places them in a position to learn the lessons of the struggle and of the conscious action of the revolutionaries.
  2. Sectors of the trade union movement, of the teachers, the youth, the self-employed workers and the indigenous movement are also integrated into the popular opposition. They consciously take part in the political struggle against Correism, they are clear about its right-wing nature, as a servant of capitalism and imperialism. The great majority of the leftist political organizations and parties, which did not succumb to the lure of jobs and reformism, we proletarian revolutionaries have also taken part. These circumstances are favorable to politically educate all the participants in the popular opposition, to clarify for them the need to look beyond the replacement of the tyrant by another bourgeois personality, to propose to them to fight so that a man or woman from the ranks of the workers should head a popular government.
  3. Regardless of the degree of consciousness and the objectives of all the sectors of the broad conglomeration of the popular opposition, the struggle that is taking place, and above all the ones that will take place in the near future, will steel the trade unions, the teachers and the students. It will get them out of the situation of weakness that led them to Correism. The struggle will clarify in the minds of the masses the role of the struggle in defense of their interests and rights, in the winning of their aspirations and desires. It will clarify for a significant sector of the masses, who are their true friends and who are their enemies, what is the role of the opportunists and traitors; the most advanced sectors will see the need to fight for the seizure of power.
  4. The role of the proletarian vanguard, of our Party must be effective to fully integrate itself into the fight, to spread its current policies and strategic purposes, to promote the revolution and socialism, the name of the Party, the dedication and consistency of its cadres.
  5. A correct and timely revolutionary policy takes into account the concrete conditions and puts forward the question of power; on its development and implementation depends the affirmation and development of the mass movement, the state of mind of the popular sectors, the degree of revolutionary consciousness of the working class and youth, the development of the economic and political struggle, the process of building the revolutionary united front, the creation and development of the instruments of revolutionary violence, the ideological and political growth and assertiveness of the revolutionary party of the proletariat; a correct and timely revolutionary policy will become the red thread that links the process of accumulation of revolutionary forces, which brings nearer the final battle for the seizure of power.

The struggle over ideas

The class struggle is expressed in all spheres, in the economic arena, on the political level and in the realm of ideas.

In its efforts to preserve its privileges the bourgeoisie always resorted to every possible means: the imposition of legality, outright repression, the establishment of representative democracy with its separation of powers and universal suffrage, to military dictatorships, fascism and Nazism, to State terrorism.

Under capitalism the dominant ideas are the ideas of the bourgeoisie and imperialism; they have spread throughout the world and affect the whole of society; they provide a basis to legitimize of the system, to justify all sorts of outrages, wars of conquest, exploitation and oppression, the domination of the great majority of States by a handful of big countries.

The formation of the working class as a class in itself, its transition to a class for itself, its persistent struggle for social emancipation, the strength and potential of its ideas materialized in Marxism-Leninism, have broken out into the world of capital and threaten its existence, they announce its destruction.

The direct, brutal and reactionary repression never was nor will be sufficient to contain and still less to eliminate the organization and march of the proletariat towards socialism.

Capital sought alternatives to confront the liberating ideals of the proletariat and found them in the realm of ideas.

For centuries it has vainly tried to demonstrate the infeasibility of socialism, the failure of Marxism-Leninism, the futility of the revolution and it has tried to glorify, to exalt the world of private property, the realm of the individual, the virtues of competition, etc.

Various attempts have been made, from Kautsky and Bernstein until Khrushchev, the Eurocommunists and the apologists of 21st century socialism, to distort the revolutionary doctrine of the proletariat, scientific socialism, Marxism-Leninism.

With the refrain that times have changed, that science and technology have developed, with the false accusation that the dictatorship of the proletariat eliminates democracy, with the alleged denial of the role of the individual, they have tried to revise the revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism.

The revisionism of the late 19th and early 20th century, modern revisionism, Eurocommunism and 21st century socialism were based on philosophical proposals, on social and economic models that tried to prettify capitalism with reformist policies that made some material concessions to the working class, such as wage increases and material wellbeing, while maintaining untouched the private property of the big capitalists.

Historical experience has shown that everything that was presented as socialism by social democrats, revisionists and opportunists was nothing but a caricature of socialism, a disguise to maintain capitalism.

We proletarian revolutionaries had to confront the reactionary positions of the bourgeoisie, to show its fallacies with the correctness of the revolutionary principles of Marxism-Leninism; in this confrontation we have gained ground, but in no way have those ideas been eradicated from the thought and action of the working class. In the same way we have confronted the various reformist alternatives from the revolutionary positions, showing their falsity and how they do not mean a way out of capitalism. In this battle we have achieved some successes, but the reformist ideas maintain an important place in the subjective outlook of the working class.

The struggle of ideas between the working class and the bourgeoisie continues and develops, for now under disadvantageous conditions for the workers; but in the end the proletariat will win, it will do so in concrete battles one after the other that will lead to the final battle.

In Ecuador we are confronting traditional bourgeois thought, the omnipresent proposals of imperialism, and also the reformist and developmentalist ideas that are now extolled in power.

The “citizens’ revolution,” “21st century socialism” express today in our country the reformist thought of the petty bourgeoisie; they are ideological and political instruments of capital to divert the workers and peoples from the objectives of the revolution and socialism, from the necessity and possibility of seizing power and building the new world, socialism, with the masses and for the masses.

Democracy, decentralization and the role of the individual are the ideological and political fallacies proclaimed by Correism and the “progressive governments” of Latin America to try to detract from the centralized economy, the role of the working class as the vanguard and leader of the revolutionary process. In reality, these approaches support capitalism; they oppose the role of the working masses in the revolutionary process.

“Non-violence,” the “revolution by the vote,” the “peaceful revolution” try to disarm the working class and peoples regarding the role of revolutionary violence and of the masses in the process of the transformation of society; in fact these ideas preserve the integrity and role of the bourgeois armed forces.

The ideological struggle must aim primarily at presenting and promoting Marxism- Leninism, the revolution and socialism. We are convinced of the superiority of socialism over capitalism, but we must demonstrate it in theory and practice, through the analysis of the situation, of the general crisis of capitalism, by denouncing the ulcers of capitalism, and with the correctness and justness of the principles of Marxism-Leninism, the relevance of the class struggle, the vulnerability of capitalism and imperialism, the social and political ability of the working class, the program and practice of the communist party.

A congress of unity and victory

Since the announcement of the 8th Congress the whole Party joined the discussion of the central documents. In each one of the cells the members exercised their right to judge the work of the leadership of the Party, to give their opinions and propose their views on national policy, to speak about the reforms of the Statute, to be able to vote for new leaders of the Party. Proletarian democracy had its highest expression in the discussions of the 8th Congress.

The participation of the Revolutionary Youth of Ecuador, of its provincial committees and nuclei was significant, in the process highlighting a significant number of young cadres who were actively involved.

The provincial pre-Conferences, the provincial Conferences and Assemblies were milestones in the process of development of the 8th Congress; they were the place to carry out the ideological and political discussion at the level of the delegates from the grassroots organizations.

The final sessions of the 8th Congress took place in the midst of the interest and enthusiasm of the delegates to participate actively;

they took place in an atmosphere of fraternity, openness and camaraderie that was reflected in the results: the approval of the Report of the Central Committee, of the Declaration of Principles, of the Program and Statute of the Party, the ideological affirmation and readiness of the delegates to push the revolutionary struggle to new levels.

The Congress was held with the direct participation of the Marxist-Leninist parties and organizations of Latin America, it received the greeting of the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations, of each and every one of its members. We received the voice and support of the representatives of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Bolivia, the Communist Party of Colombia (Marxist-Leninist), the Peruvian Communist Party (Marxist-Leninist), the Communist Party of Labor of the Dominican Republic, of the February 28 Organization of Uruguay, the Marxist-Leninist Communist Party of Venezuela.

The 8th Congress of the PCMLE reaffirmed the proletarian conceptions of the Party, its militant adherence to Marxism-Leninism, its willingness and determination to continue without reservation in the process of organizing and making the revolution, to continue moving forward in fulfilling its internationalist responsibilities. It was a Congress of Unity and Victoria, an important contribution to the International Conference of Marxist-Leninist Parties and Organizations, to the international proletarian revolution.

A Revolutionary Policy to Organize, Unite and Lead the Struggle of the Workers, the peoples and the youth

The analysis of the international situation, of the general crisis of capitalism, of the struggle of the working class and peoples for their immediate demands, for social and national liberation; the interpretation of the reality of the country in the light of Marxism-Leninism, of the changes taking place in the process of political domination by the ruling classes, of the balance of power among different factions of the bourgeoisie, of the situation of the working classes and the peoples, of their degree of organization and consciousness, of their state of mind to continue the struggle for emancipation; the clarification of the situation of the revolutionary forces, of the strengths and weaknesses of the Party allowed the 8th Congress to develop a revolutionary policy consistent with the situation that carries out its work with the perspective of the seizure of power.

The policy of the 8th Congress is an expression of the application of Marxism-Leninism, of the Political Line to the present time when the struggle of the working class and the people is developing; it is a guide to action.

We proletarian revolutionaries assume the responsibility to become standard bearers of that policy, to apply it with initiative and boldness in the work of organizing the working classes, on the road to build the unity of the social movement, of the leftist parties and organizations, in the task of politically educating the masses, to unmask the fallacies of the “citizens’ revolution” and “21st century socialism,” to demarcate positions with the traditional right, to denounce and combat revisionism and opportunism within the popular movement, to carry out economic and political battles; and to advance the process of accumulating revolutionary forces, to bring nearer the final battles for the seizure of power.

A Party to continue fighting for the revolution and socialism

The 8th Congress leaves us a party unified around Marxism-Leninism, the Political Line and the Central Committee, a party guided by general and specific orientations to undertake new struggles, win places and advance in fulfilling our responsibilities.

The 8th Congress gives us with a party mobilized ideologically, prepared to assume the current challenges of the revolutionary struggle, to take up with courage and determination the tasks of promoting popular opposition to Correism and open the way to the struggle for popular power.

The 8th Congress recovers for our time the ideological, political and organizational experiences accumulated in 50 years of struggle for the revolution and socialism, the clean path of fighting for the interests of the working class and the people, the lessons learned in small and large battles won in the process of organizing the project of emancipation, the lessons of the attacks and defeats. With the motivation that characterizes revolutionaries and with the accumulated experience, we are ready to engage in new fights.

The 8th Congress elected a new Central Committee, a leadership which received the support of all members, in which they placed their confidence; a Central Committee which has the responsibility of fulfilling the mandates of Congress, of leading the party in the new battles for the revolution and socialism.

Ours is a Party steeled in the class struggle, experienced in the process of political elaboration, rooted among the working masses, introduced in important sectors of the indigenous peoples and nationalities, among the black people, in the organization and struggle of the youth, a party that has the determination to fight, to grow and to win.

The working class and peoples of Ecuador count on their revolutionary vanguard, on the men and women organized in the PCMLE, on a valiant and sure detachment for the development of new fights for the revolution and socialism.

Ecuador, November 2014

Click here to return to the Index, U&S 30