Revolutionary Communist Party (PCR)

Resolution of the Revolutionary Communist Party of Brazil on the current situation

Struggle against retreating in politics and the economy, build the Popular Unity for Socialism (UP), develop the consciousness of a popular revolution of the masses and expand the struggle of workers, women and youth

  1. As is known, the victory of Dilma and Labor Party (PT) in the last election for President of the Republic was one of the closest in the recent history of the country. Of the total valid votes, Dilma obtained 54.5 million, while Aecio Neves received 51.0 million, that is, a difference of only 3.5 million. Besides that, 30.14 million people did not vote for either of the two candidates.
  2. This result expresses a strengthening of the right-wing and the growing loss of support for the PT among social sectors of the population who voted for that party in previous elections. In fact, if one adds the votes for Aecio and the abstentions, null and blank votes, more than 80 million people did not vote for the candidate of the PT and of Lula, despite the fact that 330 million reals was spent on Dilma’s candidacy.
    The result also shows that 80 million Brazilians opposed the return of the Brazilian Social Democratic Party (PSDB) to the presidency (taking into account the votes for Dilma and the null and blank votes); therefore the elections showed a certain balance between these two forces.
  3. Another expression of this loss of support was the decrease in the number of PT seats in the Chamber of Deputies. In 2002 they elected 91 federal deputies; in 2006 this fell to 83; in 2010 they won 88 seats and in 2014 this fell to 70, in addition to having lost 17 of the 27 state capitals of the country.
  4. The weakening of the PT is a result of the process of degeneration and shift to the right since it deepened its links with the big national bourgeoisie (Jose Alencar) and financial capital (Letter to the Brazilians). The government changed its position on privatization and the public debt. After assuming the reins of government, it did not make any structural change in the economy of the country, nor did it adopt any important measures such as land reform, the suspension of interest payments on the public debt, nor did it nationalize any of the companies privatized by Fernando Enrique Cardoso, unlike what the governments of Bolivia and Venezuela did. Adding to this is the increasing involvement of the PT in corruption scandals, as in the case of Operation Lava-Jato (car wash).
  5. After the last elections, this loss of support accelerated due to the concessions made to the right-wing, such as the nomination of Joaquim Levy for Finance Minister (put forward by the owner of Bradesco) and of Katia Abreu for Minister of Agriculture (put forward by agribusiness), among others. More serious were the fiscal adjustment measures to obtain primary surplus (guarantees to pay the interest on the public debt), resolutions 664 and 665 which reduce the right to unemployment insurance and the salary bonus for millions of workers, and cutbacks to the funds for education. In addition, it eliminated the right to reduced energy bills for millions of families and increased these rates, as well as the price of gasoline. It also allows the big supermarket chains a wave of increases not seen in the country in recent years.
    Such measures, contrary to what she trumpeted during the election campaign and for which she criticized her opponents, made President Dilma lose credibility and authority among a large part of the population. This put the parties and forces of the left who supported her on the defensive, causing distrust among the working masses and further strengthening the rightward tendencies with her discourse.
  6. At the same time, since the new Government took office the internal arguments in the PT have increased. Former President Lula publicly criticized the ministers and Dilma’s way of governing; she met with the Party of the Democratic Movement of Brazil (PMDB), providing a reason for his attacks and the pressure for broader representation in the Government. Such behavior further weakened the president and her authority along with the PT, the PMDB and all the so-called allied base. The fact that the Government lost the elections for the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies in the votes in Congress increased the mistrust of sectors of the big bourgeoisie in relation to her ability to continue governing.
  7. The forces of the left who supported her re-election, given the fiscal adjustment measures imposed by the government, tried to mobilize to reverse them by calling on the masses to go into the streets. Meanwhile, as the loss of support for the Government accelerated and the extreme right continued to become strengthened and threatened impeachment, the demonstrations that initially protested the attacks on rights and of resolutions 664 and 665, the defense of Petrobras and the democratization of the media, etc., were mainly transformed into acts of support for Dilma’s government.
  8. According to the Unified Confederation of Workers (CUT), the demonstrations of March 13 brought out between 150 and 200 thousand people throughout the country. Although they were important, this is a small number in a country the size of Brazil. Furthermore, they were events organized by parties of the left, parliamentarians, prefectures and organizations such as the CUT, the Movement of the Landless (MST), and the Union of Students (UNE) in support of a government elected less than five months earlier with more than 54 million votes. Remember that the demonstrations of June of 2013 brought out more than three million people.
  9. On the other hand, on March 15 the right-wing, with full support of the media, held demonstrations against corruption and against the government that, according to the Datafolha Institute, brought more than 500 thousand people into the streets, with 72% of the participants in these demonstrations being voters of the PSDB, mostly from the middle and rich sectors of the population. These demonstrations showed the offensive of the right-wing, their capacity to mobilize of the most privileged sectors of the population and that they can continue to influence the popular sectors.
    After March 15, a report of the Ministry of Social Communication of the Presidency, described the state of mind of the right-wing and of members of the PT: “Ironically, today it is the voters for Dilma and Lula who are well- off with cell phones in hand, while the opposition waves handkerchiefs. We must retake the offensive. But first we must take back the streets.” And it states: “One cannot say that inflation is under control when the voter sees the price of gasoline go up 20% since November to now, or his electricity bill jumps by 33%. The official data of the Extended Consumer Price Index (IPCA) means less than what they feel in their pockets. And that a Toucan senator (Antonio Anastasia, from Minas Gerais) is in the list of Lava-Jato does not change the fact that the scandal took place during the administration of the PT”.
  10. It should be noted here that neither on March 13 nor on March 15 did the demonstrations have the size and combativeness of those of June 2013, which faced fierce repression and won gains such as the reduction of transport fares in several capitals and cities of the country, without the support of any government or media.
  11. At this time, although there is a reactionary minority who want a military coup against the Government and a return to dictatorship, there is no basis for that, because our people won democracy thanks to the struggle of the masses and of revolutionaries such as Manuel Lisboa, Carlos Marighella and Sonia Angel and they will not allow a return to fascism. In short, the coup will not succeed!
    But there is the possibility of an institutional coup, or impeachment, considering that the Government is continuing to make concessions to the right-wing and will not give up the adoption of fiscal adjustment measures that hurt the poorest people or dismiss the ministers who represent the interests of the rich classes. Besides, its main ally in the National Congress, the PMDB, has no principles.
  12. To stop the growth of the right-wing and regain popular support the government has to change, to govern for the working masses and not for the rich classes, to make the rich pay for the crisis and not those who work and earn low wages. It must tax the big fortunes, control profit remittances, suspend the payment of the interest on the debt, control prices, make the Federal Police investigate privatizations; stop wild concessions, the privatization of roads, airports and oil auctions. If the government continues to play with the popular sectors on account of the crisis, allowing the big companies to continue mass firings, eliminating the rights won by the people, the right-wing with their demagogy and media will gain more and more support among the population.
  13. We must not be indifferent to this situation. We must repudiate all attempts at a coup, denounce the crimes of the military dictatorship, demand punishment for the torturers and unmask what the PSDB and the party of the right-wing Democrats (DEM) are and what they did to the people.
    At the same time, we must make clear that we do not agree with the political economy of the Government, with its fiscal adjustment program, with the privatizations and privileges for finance capital. Finally, the Government needs to turn left and take firm measures such as freezing prices, suspending payments on the public debt, renationalizing the privatized companies, reducing the costs of electricity bills and rents, taxing the big fortunes, reducing taxes on workers, etc. We also must demand the immediate resignation of Joaquim Levy and Katia Abreu, as well as more funds for health care and education. We state that the crisis in Brazil cannot be solved with the bourgeoisie in the government, and we must spread our revolutionary program. The fact is that the people should only go out into the street to defend a government when it is on their side, and not on the side of the rich, or when there is the risk of a fascist coup and the establishment of a dictatorship in the country.
  14. Comrades, the time demands firmness and combativeness of the members of the Revolutionary Communist Party. More than ever we need to increase our Party’s influence among the working masses, organize and support strikes, recruit hundreds of members, organize cells in the neighborhoods, factories, schools and universities, organize brigades of the newspaper A Verdade (The Truth) every week, win over the unions, DCEs, carry out occupations and marches and teach the people that only those who fight can win. We must raise the consciousness of the masses about the need for a popular revolution and what a socialist society is.
  15. Finally, however, we must not forget that we have a big task in 2015, which is to win the legalization of Popular Unity for Socialism, UP. We must stop being on the defensive and make our priority to win support for the UP, have daily goals and organize national days for the collection of signatures.
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